Egypt and the Enemy Within

The weapons of the Egyptian soldiers encircling the cemetery were pointing not into the surrounding desert, from where an attacker could conceivably come, but toward the assembled ambassadors, consuls, clergy, and veterans gathered to commemorate the Battle of El Alamein. “We read the information from the air force — how many people, how much equipment, how many weapons,” the official said. It was a   woman wearing a niqab, the full-face veil. Witnesses said up to 20 men armed with machine guns — and, reportedly, wearing uniforms — then entered the mosque and killed worshippers en masse. The official’s claim that the police were killed as the result of poor intelligence from the Egyptian Air Force passed onto the police indicates tension between the different security sectors. If you sit inside the entrance of a Cairo police station you will see a parade of people from all walks of life. These are the questions being asked in cafes and markets following a series of attacks on security forces and civilians. They were all known. The mosque was the place of worship for followers of the Sufi trend of Islam, considered heretical by hard-line Islamists. But to a person, those who entered shortly after 9:00 a.m. While Egyptian police are often feared by the public and criticized for their dire human rights record, there was an outpouring of public support in the days following the ambush. The economy has yet to rebound from the political upheavals of 2011 and 2013. “When I see the mothers who lost their only son, and even he didn’t serve in the army but he went to the police.” He was referring to Egypt’s mandatory military conscription that exempts only-sons from serving in the army. The group is believed to be linked to a former Egyptian military officer who is based in the Libyan city of Derna, near the border with Egypt. Pass through Cairo’s iconic Tahrir Square before dawn and you will see long lines of people in front of the Mugamma (“The Complex”), the massive Soviet-style building where citizens and visitors deal with state bureaucracy, including the issuance of visas and residency permits. The Egyptian Air Force has carried out air raids on Derna in retaliation for terrorist attacks committed in Egypt, including the murder of 29 Coptic Egyptians south of Cairo in May. War-torn Libya has become an important hub for Islamic State fighters returning from Iraq and Syria. “But in this mission there is something wrong about the information. They were reporting for work, meeting with supervisors, picking up salaries. On the question of whether or not the attackers had crossed into Egypt from Libya, to the west, he said, “In the desert, between Libya and our Western Desert, it is very difficult to control.”
Questions remain as to why the police rather than the military were deployed to carry out an attack on a terrorist camp. Young men in T-shirts and skinny jeans, older men in dress shirts and   pressed trousers, villagers in jellabeyas, vegetable sellers in   flowing long gowns. The convoy’s lead and rear vehicles were taken out by rocket-propelled grenades and bombs. For a second,   the passenger’s eyes locked with those of the errant driver. If they are lucky, they will be allowed to enter at 8:00 a.m. The sight of masked men guarding Coptic churches, ministries, and other state buildings has become normalized, hardly worth noting. President Sisi had been expected to attend the ceremony, but the assault on the police convoy the night before meant a change in his plans. At least two of the wounded police were based at Al-Modireyet Amn Al-Giza, the Giza Directorate of Security, where the official was speaking from. On a recent Friday morning a white van cut off a taxi. It was as the ceremony ended that at least one attendee realized that   something wasn’t quite right with the Egyptian security arrangements for the event. A month before, on October 20, a five-vehicle convoy of police was ambushed by Islamic militants near the Bahariya Oasis in the Western Desert, 85 miles to the southwest of Cairo. He removed the chiefs of staff of the Armed Forces and the national security agency, and demoted senior police officers. And yet, in what is seen as a troubling paradox, the country’s massive security apparatus failed to prevent the carrying out of two recent military-style terrorist attacks. Only his eyes were   visible. ¤
On October 21, one day after the assault on the police convoy in the Western Desert, a somber ceremony was held on the Mediterranean coast west of Alexandria. But no, the passenger   quickly realized, the eyes belonged not to a veiled woman but to a   twenty-something man wearing a black balaclava. Balaclava-wearing Egyptian soldiers, at intervals of 10 yards or so, were arrayed around the perimeter of the cemetery entrance, some 40 yards away from the seating area. But there were no state markings on his vehicle, nothing to indicate that a heavily armed man was inside. This was the site of one of the most famous defeats of German forces in World War II, the Battle of El Alamein. Access to many online news sites has been blocked and social media is widely believed to be under surveillance. During the Friday midday prayers, four vehicles arrived outside Al-Rawdah Mosque, explosives were set off and cars set alight, blocking the surrounding roads. It was a hot day and one could feel   sympathy for these young men standing guard for several hours on the expanse of white ground. The Egyptian government, however, disputes that figure, saying that only 16 police died. But a recent development adds a new layer of tension: heavily armed special forces moving in unmarked vehicles through the city’s congested streets. “I was crying yesterday, the night before and the morning,” said Tarik, a Cairo businessman. It was the bloodiest terrorist attack in Egypt in modern history. The air force reported only four or five terrorists and small weapons — not anti-aircraft [guns], [not] anti-tank — the location where they were.”
As with November’s mosque killings, the attack on the police was a military-style assault. Hopes that foreign tourists will return are set back with each new terrorist attack. There was no need to speak to the officer at reception or show an ID card. Egypt has been supporting Libya’s eastern commander Khalifa Haftar, whose Libyan National Army has been at war with Islamist militant groups in Benghazi and Derna for more than two years. The information had many mistakes. The town may also have been targeted because of its alleged support for the state’s military campaign in the region. And now the spread of the terrorist attacks from the Sinai Peninsula to the Western Desert has heightened concerns about the safety of the heavily militarized capital. ¤
A police source who asked to remain unnamed, speaking in a mid-November interview, said that the ill-fated police convoy was carrying out a raid on a militant hideout after receiving intelligence from the Egyptian Air Force — intelligence that proved to be incorrect. No organization has claimed responsibility for the killings but the attackers are believed to be militants allied with the Islamic State group, which has been at war with the Egyptian state for the past four years. “Those who were killed were from the secret police and special operations, all based in Cairo,” he said. Of course, Cairo residents have long contended with the presence of informants and plainclothes agents in their neighborhoods. Hundreds of policemen have died in the last year alone. The average Egyptian, upon entering a police station, would show uncertainty, even fear. Instead, he arrived by helicopter shortly after the ceremony and stayed on the ground for less than an hour. A previously unknown militant group with links to al-Qaeda, Ansar al-Islam, claimed it carried out the attack and announced that it was launching a holy war against the Egyptian state. Initial reports by the BBC and Reuters, quoting unnamed senior officials, claimed that more than 50 police had been killed. Many of those who passed by on a recent morning were undercover police, plainclothes agents for the state. They come from wars in Syria, Libya, Sudan, and South Sudan, from unstable police states like Eritrea and Ethiopia. The state is doubling down on its perceived enemies — democracy activists, campaigners for LGBT rights, Islamists, and supporters of Mohamed Morsi, the jailed former leader of the Muslim Brotherhood and, for one year, the president of Egypt. The officer, Hisham al-Ashmawy, was fired from the army after adopting radical Islamic beliefs. To mark the battle’s 75th anniversary, hundreds of diplomats and military personnel from a reported 50 nations traveled from Cairo and beyond to stand in remembrance at the Commonwealth War Cemetery. Prayers were read, a Scottish piper played, the last post rang out over the graves of 7,240 men who fought with the Allied forces. Alongside an army of plainclothes agents, video cameras are mandatory inside cafes and businesses in many parts of Cairo. He met with the representatives of a handful of countries and then flew out once more. ¤
Carol Berger is an anthropologist and writer and lives in Cairo. There are few secrets in this city of 20 million people. The masked man was a member of the special forces, his face hidden for fear of being identified and possibly killed by enemies of the state. In the four years since Field Marshal Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi claimed the presidency, Egypt’s state security has stepped up its surveillance activities and maintains a high-profile presence throughout the country. The wider region is in turmoil. Days after the October police ambush, President Sisi carried out a major shake-up in the country’s intelligence sector. Their eyes were covered with goggles and their hands gripped automatic weapons. Marie-Jeanne Berger is a Middle East analyst and lives in Amman, Jordan. DECEMBER 20, 2017

CAIRO: Who is the enemy, and who is protecting Egypt’s increasingly worried population? the next morning, where they will join a crush of humanity hoping to receive documents from harried clerks sitting behind barred windows. The gunmen stayed at the scene long enough to fire their weapons at ambulances dispatched to the scene. were recognized by the guards on shift and entered with confidence and purpose. Their erect posture and the directness of their gaze gave them away. Said the man, “They are carrying the security on their backs.”
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There is a growing sense of unease in the Egyptian capital. On November 24, 2017, 305 people, including 27 children, were killed in the village of Bir al-Abed in North Sinai.